Written by Meng Kit Tang. KMT Chairwoman Cheng Li-wun’s recently used the European Union as a model for cross-strait engagement. This article examines why the EU analogy has become a recurring feature of KMT discourse and whether the conditions that enabled European integration resemble those of the Taiwan Strait, arguing that key elements of postwar Europe are largely absent across the strait.
Written by Brian Hioe. This article suggests that the state of play for cross-strait relations has taken an unexpected turn in the past months. In a relatively short time, Cheng Li-wun was not only able to secure a meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping, but indirectly caused US President Donald Trump to echo her language on cross-strait relations through Xi.
Written by Gunter Schubert. This article contends that the KMT’s China Policy, as articulated by Cheng Li-wun, appears largely devoid of concrete policy content. Instead, it is heavily ideological, shaped by deep mistrust of the ruling party and by a risky belief in China’s goodwill once Taiwan accepts Beijing’s interpretation of the “1992 Consensus” and the “one China principle.”
Written by Meng Kit Tang. This article argues that Cheng Li-wun promotes a distinct formulation, Chinese identity with Kuomintang characteristics, anchored in the ROC constitution and civilizational heritage, while rejecting the sovereignty of the Chinese Communist Party. Such reclamation may reinforce the very trend it seeks to counter, and the reactions to the Cheng-Xi summit reflect this paradox.
Written by Sadia Rahman. This article argues that the strategic timing of Cheng’s visit to China will bear fruit only if the changes appear in the terms under which cross-Strait engagement is understood by Taiwanese voters. Given the public opinion, especially the younger generation, the KMT-CPC’s substantial visibility can backfire.
Written by Percy Yixuanchen Yu. This article argues that the real question following the Cheng-Xi meeting and its repercussions is whether Taiwan can convert its own democratic pluralism into strategic agency under simultaneous external pressure. This democratic subjectivity has three dimensions: institutional legitimacy, societal authorisation, and external credibility.
