Written by Dr Chieh-chi Hsieh. This article argues that the KMT will suffer more substantial political backlash than the TPP both in the short term and long term. The KMT legislators will face the nationwide recall motions, while the TPP will not lose any of their legislators. The KMT is also going to bear the electoral cost of the internalisation of the cross-Strait confrontation.
Written by Brian Hioe. This article examines the similarities and differences of the partisan contestation in the Legislative Yuan between the recent crisis and the Chen Shui-bian era. It highlights the long-term structural weakness of the Pan-Blue camp that is working against its attempt to reshape Taiwan’s political system.
Written by Indigenous Youth Front. This article examines the 2024 amendment to the Organization Act of the Council of Indigenous Peoples. It places this controversial amendment within the broader context of the long-term marginalisation of Indigenous peoples in political participation and advocates for actions that uphold genuine Indigenous self-determination.
Written by Wendy Cheng. This article introduces Cheng’s 2023 book Island X: Taiwanese Student Migrants, Campus Spies, and Cold War Activism. The book tells the political history of a generation of Taiwanese who migrated to the US as students from the 1960s to the 1980s during the late Cold War and KMT martial law, and who became politically active in struggles for democracy, human rights, and Taiwan independence.
Written by Jasper Roctus. The polls have closed, and Lai Ching-te of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has won the Taiwanese presidency, beating Hou Yu-ih of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Ko Wen-je of the upstart Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). With Lai’s victory, 2024 became the first (post-democratisation) Taiwanese presidential election, where the same party’s nominee was elected three times in succession. Different from its triumphs of 2016 and 2020, the DPP did not emerge from the elections scot-free. Lai ‘only’ obtained forty per cent of the vote compared to Tsai Ing-wen’s two majority landslides, and the DPP lost the legislative majority it had enjoyed since 2016. Although this result aligned with earlier predictions, there is still a lot that merits further discussion.
Written by Jonathan Sullivan. Taiwan has concluded its eighth direct election of the Republic of China (ROC) President. It was not a pivotal, watershed or critical election, and it was not a contest between war and peace or the embodiment of democracy vs authoritarianism; it was an entirely normal election. The main issues (China, the economy), turnout (71%), the communications environment (parochial and partisan), the candidates’ micro-scandals (this time round requiring knowledge of esoteric building code and land-use regulation), the boisterous rallies and hustings etc were all familiar and part of the routine functioning of Taiwanese democracy. The Central Election Commission once again organised a flawless election. The nuts and bolts of voting stations in temples and school gyms, accurate and fast analogue counts, volunteers getting people lined up and in and out smoothly, etc, are the little things that add up to a big sum.
