Written by Aleksandrs Gross. This article examines Cheng Li-wun’s leadership through the eyes of the younger generation. Not only did her statements on identity and Taiwan’s future fail to resonate with younger people, but she also failed to address livelihood issues such as high housing prices, inflation and employment pressure, which are seen as the most critical issues for younger Taiwanese.
Written By Paula Perez. This article analyses the promises and positions of Cheng Li-wun. It argues that Cheng offers nothing new in terms of its identity claims and the 1992 Consensus and questions who is the audience Cheng is speaking to. However, she brings something other leadership candidates did not, personifying the redemption of a generation who she claims is misled by de-Sinicised education.
Written by Brian Hioe. This article compares the new KMT party chair Cheng Li-wun to Hung Hsiu-chu. Both made waves on the basis of their deep blue political leanings and hardline stance on advocating for unification. She already faces some internal pushback against her leadership, though it remains to be seen whether Cheng will follow Hung’s trajectory of falling from grace.
Written by Dr Chieh-chi HSIEH. This article analyses the winners and losers of the great recall election in Taiwan. It argues that while the two opposition parties (KMT and TPP) neither gained nor lost and the DPP is undoubtedly the main loser, the main winner is the Taiwanese society. The self-motivated attempts to recall their respective legislators, albeit unsuccessful, consolidate Taiwan’s democracy.
Written by Jonathan Leung. This article argues that the 2025 mass recall campaign is an attempt to overthrow the legislative election result in 2024. It is also a form of snap election. It is also a delegitimisation of democracy and a derecognition of the previous election results. Therefore, there is no winner in this campaign.
Written by Chang, Chunhao. This article argues that the defeat of the recall campaign indicates that Taiwanese voters are unwilling to reverse electoral outcomes through post-election manoeuvres. The DPP fails to understand the priorities of moderate, unaffiliated, or floating voters. They want responsible governance, not political revenge, and are deeply committed to the democratic process.
Written by Brian Hioe. The Central Election Commission (CEC) has approved a referendum on resuming operations for the recently shuttered Ma-anshan nuclear power plant, while rejecting a referendum on capital punishment. Although the KMT pushed for both referendums as part of its electoral strategy, it did not appeal to the general public with either referendum, perhaps reflecting weakness of the KMT at the local level.
Written by Dr Chieh-chi Hsieh. This article argues that the KMT will suffer more substantial political backlash than the TPP both in the short term and long term. The KMT legislators will face the nationwide recall motions, while the TPP will not lose any of their legislators. The KMT is also going to bear the electoral cost of the internalisation of the cross-Strait confrontation.
Written by Brian Hioe. This article examines the similarities and differences of the partisan contestation in the Legislative Yuan between the recent crisis and the Chen Shui-bian era. It highlights the long-term structural weakness of the Pan-Blue camp that is working against its attempt to reshape Taiwan’s political system.
Written by Indigenous Youth Front. This article examines the 2024 amendment to the Organization Act of the Council of Indigenous Peoples. It places this controversial amendment within the broader context of the long-term marginalisation of Indigenous peoples in political participation and advocates for actions that uphold genuine Indigenous self-determination.
Written by Wendy Cheng. This article introduces Cheng’s 2023 book Island X: Taiwanese Student Migrants, Campus Spies, and Cold War Activism. The book tells the political history of a generation of Taiwanese who migrated to the US as students from the 1960s to the 1980s during the late Cold War and KMT martial law, and who became politically active in struggles for democracy, human rights, and Taiwan independence.
Written by Jasper Roctus. The polls have closed, and Lai Ching-te of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has won the Taiwanese presidency, beating Hou Yu-ih of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and Ko Wen-je of the upstart Taiwan People’s Party (TPP). With Lai’s victory, 2024 became the first (post-democratisation) Taiwanese presidential election, where the same party’s nominee was elected three times in succession. Different from its triumphs of 2016 and 2020, the DPP did not emerge from the elections scot-free. Lai ‘only’ obtained forty per cent of the vote compared to Tsai Ing-wen’s two majority landslides, and the DPP lost the legislative majority it had enjoyed since 2016. Although this result aligned with earlier predictions, there is still a lot that merits further discussion.
Taiwan Insight 