Written by Mark Gerard Murphy.
Image credit: Public domain.
The relationship between Taiwan and mainland China is often framed through political, historical, and cultural tensions. However, one area that has drawn attention yet remains frequently overlooked is the intersection of Chinese martial arts and nationalism in both regions. In both Taiwan and mainland China, martial arts have been deeply integrated into nationalist movements, though their political significance has evolved differently. As we know, nationalist tendencies have long been associated with sport – as we can see in the Olympics – but it is also tied to martial arts and cultural identity. In mainland China, the Communist regime rebranded traditional martial arts into modern Wushu, aiming to promote national unity and strength. Meanwhile, Taiwan preserved traditional martial arts as a symbol of cultural resistance following the Kuomintang’s retreat in 1949. Today, these practices face new challenges from globalisation and the rise of Mixed Martial Arts (MMA), forcing both regions to reconsider their approach to martial arts and cultural identity.
In the early 20th century, martial arts in mainland China became closely tied to rising nationalist sentiment. The fall of the Qing Dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China initiated efforts to rejuvenate a nation weakened by foreign domination and internal decline. Martial arts, long a traditional practice, gained new importance as schools and practitioners became symbols of national pride and resilience. Martial prowess was seen as a way to rebuild China’s national spirit and strength, which was crucial for overcoming its recent history of humiliation and restoring its standing in the world.
In response to growing nationalist pride, General Zhang Zhijiang and Ma Liang spearheaded the Guoshu movement, seeking to unify and systematise Chinese martial arts under the banner of “national art.” This movement aimed to consolidate various styles into a cohesive system, promoting martial arts as symbols of Chinese nationalism and strength, akin to Japan’s Budo. Guoshu aimed to standardise martial arts for military training, self-defence, and national pride, reaching its peak with the creation of the Central Guoshu Institute in 1928, supported by the KMT government. Figures like Huo Yuanjia, whose legendary exploits embodied the spirit of Guoshu, were instrumental in promoting this vision. Unlike traditional martial arts linked to local regions or lineages, Guoshu focused on a national identity that transcended individual styles, encouraging modernised training methods to strengthen the nation both physically and spiritually.
After the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taiwan following their defeat by the Communist Party. Taiwan became not only a political refuge but also a sanctuary for intellectuals, cultural figures, and many martial arts masters. Many of these experts, who had practised traditional Chinese martial arts on the mainland, fled with the KMT, bringing their knowledge and skills to the island. Some were employed as bodyguards for political leaders. Taiwan thus became a hub for preserving and continuing classical Chinese martial arts, including Taijiquan, Baguazhang, Xingyiquan, and Bajiquan. These experts were instrumental in shaping Taiwan’s cultural identity, establishing schools, training new generations, and enriching Taiwan’s martial arts community.
In the Maoist era, traditional martial practices in mainland China, particularly those linked to spirituality or individualism, were often suppressed, especially during the Cultural Revolution. In the late 60s and 70s, Chinese martial arts—referred to as kung fu/gong fu—gained global popularity through cinema, with figures like Bruce Lee becoming cultural icons. Martial arts during this time represented more than self-defence or discipline; they embodied Chinese pride. Hong Kong was the main hub for martial arts cinema, featuring many practitioners from the Hung Kuen tradition, a southern style known for strong stances and practicality. Taiwan, however, also contributed lesser-seen styles on the big screen.
As tensions between Taiwan and mainland China continued, the role of martial arts in each region evolved along distinct paths. Under Deng Xiaoping, China saw a revival of martial arts following years of suppression during Mao’s rule. The Communist government promoted modern Wushu—a highly aestheticised form of martial arts—as a competitive sport, teaching it in universities to showcase national strength and unity on the global stage. In contrast, Taiwan, under the Kuomintang (KMT), preserved traditional Chinese martial arts as a means of maintaining cultural continuity and resisting the influence of the mainland. Martial arts in Taiwan were not merely a form of physical training but a symbol of national identity and opposition to Communist ideology. While traditional schools and styles thrived on the island, mainland China’s approach transformed martial practice into a secular, modern sport to align with its broader political goals. Both regions, however, drew inspiration from the earlier Guoshu movement, which sought to unify the local and regional martial arts styles into a national framework tied to Chinese identity and pride.
Nationalism has thus shaped how martial arts are practised and perceived on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Today, martial arts remain a source of cultural pride and national identity in both Taiwan and mainland China, though each region employs them differently. For China, modern Wushu has become a symbol of collective strength, athleticism, and national unity, as seen in international competitions. In Taiwan, traditional martial arts serve as cultural symbols, maintaining the island’s identity amid its complex political status. Taiwan’s focus on traditional martial arts can be viewed as cultural diplomacy, reinforcing its distinct identity, while mainland China uses martial arts as a tool of global outreach, promoting its vision of unity and control over Chinese cultural narratives.
In a broader sense, martial arts nationalism in both Taiwan and the mainland also reflects an effort to reclaim cultural authenticity in the face of Western influences and globalisation, which brings its pressures. To be sure, the legitimacy of classical martial arts and their claim to authenticity have been increasingly challenged by the rise of modern combat forms like Mixed Martial Arts (MMA). Xu Xiaodong, with his high-profile challenges to traditional martial artists, has become the thin end of the wedge in a much larger shift. While Xu’s viral fights have sparked controversy and debate, they represent a broader set of forces—globalisation, modernism, and Western influence—that are reshaping the role of martial arts in both Taiwan and mainland China. MMA, with its emphasis on practicality and performance, is often seen as a symbol of Western modernity, clashes with the deep cultural significance that traditional martial arts hold in both regions.
For mainland China, where martial arts have been secularised and modernised into displays of national unity and strength, this growing trend challenges the narrative of Chinese cultural superiority. For Taiwan, which has preserved traditional forms as a way to assert its unique cultural identity, MMA’s rise forces a different reckoning—whether it can maintain its commitment to classical martial arts in the face of more globally dominant, competitive systems. Xu Xiaodong is not the only factor at play; he simply highlights how modern forces are disrupting long-standing cultural practices and assumptions.
As MMA continues to grow in popularity, it raises questions about the future of martial arts and their role in national identity. Xu’s challenge, therefore, is not just about fighting styles—it reflects broader pressures that are forcing both Taiwan and mainland China to reconsider their relationship with tradition, modernity, and cultural survival. These pressures will only intensify, forcing both regions to navigate new and complex questions about how martial arts fit into their evolving national narratives.
Mark Gerard Murphy is an academic and lecturer in theology and philosophy and also a practitioner of martial arts. He is the author of several academic books and articles.
This article was published as part of a special issue on ‘Sports and Identity’.
Taiwan Insight 